Inca+kinship

==  Inca Kinship Traditions: The Effect on the Political Formation of the Empire By: Robin Wineinger ==





The Inca Empire has been deemed as the most powerful kingdoms in pre-Columbian South America. The rulers referred to it as Tahuanitinsuyu or “Four Parts Together” (Bauer and Covey 2002:847). This is because the geography was made up of four main provinces at the empire’s peak. These provinces are Chinchaysuyu, Antisuyu, Cuntinsuyu, and Qiullasuyu (Bauer and Covey 2002:847). The Inca Empire controlled many Andean polities for just over a century. Inca kinship groups were the basis for the social hierarchy that eventually formed the political structure of the Empire. At the top of the hierarchy was the Sapa Inca, which meant “Unique Inca” (Bauer 1991:9). He was the absolute spiritual and political leader. The nobility were mainly the //Sapa Inca's// relatives of the Inca kin group (Bauer 1991:9). Relatives of the emperor usually were military and provincial leaders. The Inca clan claimed divinity in order to justify their conquests (Bauer and Covey 2002:854). The Inca used many ways to prove their divinity in order for those ethnic groups to conform under their rule. They developed their centralized government and conquered many polities through strong military leadership. One myth states that the first mythical Inca leader, Manco Capac, emerged from a cave in the Pacariqtambo region and conquered the inhabitants of the Cuzco region (Bauer 1991:8). The early Inca nobility claimed they were related to Manco Capac. New evidence has emerged to support this. In the region of Pacariqtambo, there are two sites with remains of a temples and royal shrines. As Brian Bauer (1991:8) stated; "it is suggested that the shrine and temple complex was built by the dynastic rulers of Cuzco...and were related to the Inca origin myth and may have been used to reconfirm the Inca nobility's descent from Manco Capac and to legitimize their elite status over the local inhabitants." (Bauer 1991:8) The later Inca kings, the//Sapa Incas// claimed descent from the first mythical Inca. The Sapa Inca was considered the representative on earth of the main deity, Inti, the sun god(Bauer 1991:8). Therefore the Inca justified their leadership because they were the most sacred out of all Andean kin groups.

Most of what is known of Inca political organization has been drawn from Spanish chroniclers at the time of conquest. Land surveys and excavations are increasingly done to get material remains to support the written history. Archaeological records show the Inca enlarged their empire by conquering the surrounding polities. Evidence of this is found in the Cajamarca region, where several sites show fortified institutions pre-dating Inca occupation (Julien 1993:264). The Inca came in and took over these several small sites. Some of these had walls around them, showing conflict. After about 1200 AD, the settlements grew to two larger towns, without walls, suggesting unification. (Julien 1993:265)



The kin group or //ayullu//, which an Andean person belonged to, determined the social position of the person in the Empire. The //ayllus// were separated into tow interdependent halves known as //moieties//. A //moiety// was the kinship term that told what ranking you belonged to. There were two main in Cuzco:Hurin (Lower Cuzco) and Hanan (Upper Cuzco) (Bauer and Covey 2002: 850-852). Stephen Wernke (2006:180) defined //ayullu// it as being "a central to the political, social and economic articulation of territorially discontinous communities in the Andes." Common ancestral deities were at the top of the hierarchy of the //ayllus//. A member traced his relation to an //ayullu// an ancestor by myth. The //ayullu// member performed labor and worship towards their ancestors in the form of feasting and other rituals in order to receive land and resources (Wernke 2006:180).

The Incas adopted the local kin traditions into their empire. This helped the Inca control their provinces better with less of a worry for rebellion. The archaeology done in the Colesuyu region shows how the Inca used local methods to their imperial advantage. This region is located in the South Coast of Peru and sites suggest Inca rule and trade with the local polities (Covey 2000:129-131). At Quebrada Tacahuay, Inca settlement evidence has been found as mollusk shell, animal bones, ceramics and metal fragments. (Covey 2000:130) This site has been propo sed to be a “mitimaqkuna colony placed by the Inka to produce maize for highland populations”. The //mitimaes// were the conquered ethnic groups who paid tribute to the Inca state. The “Inca by Privilege”, were those who became close to the Inca and despite being of different ethnicity, they were given certain "privileges" (Covey 2000:131). The servants were at the lowest tier of society. Most of the information comes from ethnohistorical data. Some evidence has been suggested because of analysis done of Inca pottery and architectural stonework found at the site. (Covey 2000:128)

“Political unity was not well developed, but ethnic identity was,” Daniel Julien (1993) stated this in reference to pre-Inca Andean culture. The Inca conquered different ethnic groups that became more united under Incan rule than they had been before. The Inca political infrastructure was very successful and was the main reason the empire survived so long. (Julien 1993:263) As was stated before, the Inca extended their ethnic status to certain of the “Incas of Privilege” throughout their imperial rule. The Cuzco Valley grew rapidly after Inca integration of the local polities. The imperial capital was located at Cuzco, the center of the empire. Archaeological evidence from surveys conducted by Brian Bauer (1992:849). in the south region of Cuzco Valley gave new insight on the political expansion of the Empire. The information from the surveys combined with other excavation proved the changes the Incas developed in order to expand control over different polities. Settlement increased in the Cuzco Valley around AD 1000, according to evidence. (Bauer 1992:74). Resettlement of urban areas has been determined from excavating sites around the capital. Early Incan artifacts were found in the Coriancha region, and the surrounding agricultural sites. These materials are known as Killke (Bauer and Covey 2002: 857). Killke pottery has also been found in the Sacsayhuaman, which is another major area that was incorporated into the empire.( Bauer and Covey 2002:852).

Cuzco was the religious and political capital of the Empire. The Inca placed shrines and built huacas around the city that represent the importance of spiritual cosmology to Andean traditions (Bauer 1992:) Archaeologists refer to this as “the Cuzco Ceque System” (Bauer 1992 1). Many of these shrines and huacas were destroyed when the Spanish conquered the area, but there are still some remains. Archaeologists, such as Brian Bauer (1992) have studied these to prove the importance of these according to the Inca political formation. It is fair to say that these shrines prove the importance of religion in Inca kinship traditions and they infused it in how they ran their empire (Bauer 1992:). Spanish chroniclers gave archaeologists locations of many of these shrines and huacas so they can be excavated. Some of these shrines are still revered in the same way as they once were. Recent offerings are found near these sites, such as the mountain of Huanacauri. (Bauer 1992:32)

“In the construction of inequality within the Inca society, privileges and responsibilities were based on the idiom of kinship order provided by astronomy... and the irrigation cultivation sections within the Cuzco Valley (Isbell 1997: 63). Only those of true Inca ethnicity were considered of elite status. This meant anyone who could claim descent with one of the previous kings (Bauer 1991: 8). The Inca considered other ethnic groups of lesser status and demanded tribute from them (Wernke 2006: 178). Many of the archaeological evidence involved evidence of the Incas increased control over territories and settlement patterns changing. The Incas brought Andean polities together to create a pan-ethnic empire (Isbell 1997:63).

Most of the time, it seemed that many ethnic groups were conquered with ease. The small villages around the Cuzco area that have been excavated prove to have been unprotected, meaning they proved little resistance when the Inca conquered them early. The Quilliscashis controlled the Cusichaca River Valley and the sites in this area have evidence of walls for fortification (Bauer and Covey 2002: 855). Archaeologists believe from this that these sites were not incorporated into the Empire until later, because the walls were taken down (Bauer and Covey 2002: 855).



One of the major kinship traditions practiced was intermarriage. Oral history gives account of elite Inca officials marrying women from different //ayullus// in order to create alliances (Bauer and Covey 2002: 854). This also helped the pan-ethnic strategy the Inca emperors used. Ethnic groups provided secondary wives for the Inca nobles (Bauer and Covey 2002: 854). Unfortunately, it is practically impossible to find archaeological evidence to support this ethno-history.

“Mummies represent political positions and bureaucratic organization” (Zuidana 2006:49). In Andean culture, mummified bodies were kept in circular stone monuments called //chullpas// (Isbell 1997: 27)//.// These were a way for showing social organization because members of the same //ayullus// were placed in the same //chullpa// (Isbell 1997:27). The reign of Sapa Inca did not end at his death. His body was mummified and the mummy was seen as a godly figure (Zuidana 2006: 50). Bodies of dead Sapa Incas were mummified and kept in preservation so they could be brought out for religious ceremonies. According to the Spanish accounts, William Isbell (1997:41) stated " Incas placed their dead bodies in specially prepared vaults called //pucullos// (another name for //chullpas)////,// but royalty were kept in temples and palaces." Whenever a new Sapa Inca was introduced, the mummies of every king were brought out in a procession to give approval over the new king (Isbell 1997:47). This ceremony was very important to the people and evidence is found from vessels (Isbell 1997: 48).

Other ethnic groups, such as those living in the Chit’apampa Basin near Cuzco, seemed to have moved directly to the core of the Empire (Bauer and Covey 2002: 855). Settlement patterns changed and many developments were made in order to keep this area closely tied with the capital. Evidence of canal and terrace systems, storage facilities, roads and administrative centers have all been found at the basin (Bauer and Covey 2002: 855).

The Inca imperial officers were able to sustain the economy by the tribute and corvee labor they demanded. The other kin groups, or //mitimaes//, were forced to cultivate lands, create military supplies and make clothing (La Lone 1987: 48). Everything was owned by the Inca state. There have been remains of huge Inca storehouses or //collcas// in Huanuco and Cochabamba that show evidence for large production of goods for the stat (La Lone 1987 :50) Huanaco Pampa was another Inca administrative center. At this site, large amounts of broken Inca vessel fragments were found at the large plaza (La Lone 1987:50). This shows that the Inca government provided food and drink for their citizens who fulfilled their //mit'a// labor, or reciprocal labor (Bray 2003: 4). This shows that the Inca adopted the Andean idea of reciprocity and hospitality (Bray 2003:4).

Social inequality can be seen by increased household size during the Late Intermediate Period. It is considered evidence for increased Inca occupation or Inca influence. The Collugua //ayullu// tied itself closely with the Incas and this is shown from evidence found at sites in this province (Wernke 2006: 183). The Colca Valley, located in the Collugua province, is a great example of Inca imperial expansion. Remains of ceramics prove Inca control over the area, because the style somewhat changed after the Inca took over. Bowls from pre-Inca dominance were more “globular” than the bowls created after the Inca took control (Wernke 2006: 188-189). They also look similar to the pottery seen in Cuzco during the same time period (Wernke 2006:188).

The Inca Empire was politically, militarily, economically, and socially expansive. The Inca maintained a centralized government and extreme control over those they conquered. The political formation of their empire was shaped in large part by their kinship traditions. They also incorporated many other Andean traditions into their empire. Even though their empire did not last very long (like all empires) it has a strong influence on the South American archaeology today. There is still so much to learn about the tie between Inca kinship traditions and the affect it had on their political rule, but only further excavations will prove this.

Bibliography:
Bauer, Brian S. 1991 Pacariqtambo and the Mythical Origins of the Inca. Latin American Antiquity 2 (1): 7-26.

Bauer, Brian S. 1992 The Development of the Inca State. 1st ed. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Bauer, Brian S.; Covey, R. Alan. 2002 Processes of State Formation in the Inca Heartland (Cuzco, Peru). American Anthropologist. 104 (3): 846-864

Bray, Tamara L. 2003 Inka Pottery as Culinary Equipment: Food, Feasting and Gender in Imperial State Design. Latin American Antiquity. 14 (1):3-28

Costin, Cathy Lynne; Earle, Timothy. 1989 Status Distinction and Legitimation of Power as Reflected in Changing Patterns of Consumption in Late Prehispanic Peru. American Antiquity. 54 (4): 691-714

Covey, Alan R. 2000 Inka Administration of the Far South Coast of Peru. Latin American Antiquity. 11 (2):199-138

Isbell, William Harris 1997 Mummies and Mortuary Monuments: A Postprocessual Prehistory of Central Andean Social Organization. 1st ed. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Lone, Mary B. La; Lone, Darrell E.La 1987 The Inka State in the Southern Highlands: State Administrative and Production Enclaves. Ethnohistory. 34 (1): 47-62

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Julien, Daniel G. 1993 Late Pre-Inkaic Ethnic Groups in Highland Peru: An Archaeological-Ethnohistorical Model of the Political Geography of the Cajamarca Region. Latin American Antiquity 4 (3): 246-273

Wernke, Steven A. 2006 The Politics of Community and Inka Statecraft in the Colca Valley, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 17 (2) 177-208 